
G.R. No. 118295 May 2, 1997
Wigberto E.
Tanada et al, in representation of various taxpayers and as non-governmental
organizations, petitioners,
vs.
EDGARDO ANGARA,
et al, respondents.
Facts: Respondent Rizalino Navarro, then Secretary of
The Department of Trade and Industry (Secretary Navarro, for brevity),
representing the Government of the Republic of the Philippines, signed in Marrakesh,
Morocco, the Final Act Embodying the Results of the Uruguay Round of
Multilateral Negotiations.
By signing the Final Act, Secretary Navarro on behalf
of the Republic of the Philippines, agreed:
(a) to submit, as appropriate, the
WTO Agreement for the consideration of their respective competent authorities,
with a view to seeking approval of the Agreement in accordance with their
procedures; and
(b) to adopt the Ministerial
Declarations and Decisions.
The Philippine President had ratified the said treaty,
which was subsequently concurred by the Senate.
Hence, this case petition by Sen. Wigberto Tanada, together with other
lawmakers, taxpayers, and various NGO’s to nullify the Philippine ratification
of the World Trade Organization (WTO) Agreement.
(There are several issues, but for the sake of
Taxation, the issue is:)
Issue: Whether provisions of the
Agreement Establishing the World Trade Organization unduly limit, restrict and
impair Philippine sovereignty specifically the legislative power exercised by
the Congress?
Held: NO. A portion of sovereignty may
be waived without violating the Constitution, based on the rationale that the
Philippines "adopts the generally accepted principles of international law
as part of the law of the land and adheres to the policy of cooperation and
amity with all nations."
Petitioners claim that said WTO proviso derogates from
the power to tax, which is lodged in the Congress.
However, while sovereignty has traditionally been
deemed absolute and all-encompassing on the domestic level, it is however
subject to restrictions and limitations voluntarily agreed to by the
Philippines, expressly or impliedly, as a member of the family of nations.
Unquestionably, the Constitution did not envision a
hermit-type isolation of the country from the rest of the world. In its
Declaration of Principles and State Policies, the Constitution "adopts the
generally accepted principles of international law as part of the law of the
land, and adheres to the policy of peace, equality, justice, freedom,
cooperation and amity, with all nations."
By the doctrine of incorporation, the country is bound by generally
accepted principles of international law, which are considered to be
automatically part of our own laws. One of the oldest and most fundamental
rules in international law is pacta sunt servanda — international agreements
must be performed in good faith. "A treaty engagement is not a mere moral
obligation but creates a legally binding obligation on the parties . . . A
state which has contracted valid international obligations is bound to make in
its legislations such modifications as may be necessary to ensure the
fulfillment of the obligations undertaken."
In fact, the Philippines has entered into many other
international pacts — both bilateral and multilateral — that involve
limitations on Philippine sovereignty. These are enumerated by the Solicitor
General in his Compliance dated October 24, 1996, as follows:
(It was a long list; below are some of the
international agreements the Philippines has entered into in relation to
taxation)
(a) Bilateral
convention with the United States regarding taxes on income, where the
Philippines agreed, among others, to exempt from tax, income received in the
Philippines by, among others, the Federal Reserve Bank of the United States,
the Export/Import Bank of the United States, the Overseas Private Investment
Corporation of the United States. Likewise, in said convention, wages, salaries
and similar remunerations paid by the United States to its citizens for labor
and personal services performed by them as employees or officials of the United
States are exempt from income tax by the Philippines.
(b) Bilateral
agreement with Belgium, providing, among others, for the avoidance of double
taxation with respect to taxes on income.
(c) Bilateral
convention with the Kingdom of Sweden for the avoidance of double taxation.
(d) Bilateral
convention with the French Republic for the avoidance of double taxation.
(e) Bilateral
air transport agreement with Korea where the Philippines agreed to exempt from
all customs duties, inspection fees and other duties or taxes aircrafts of
South Korea and the regular equipment, spare parts and supplies arriving with
said aircrafts.
(f) Bilateral
air service agreement with Japan, where the Philippines agreed to exempt from
customs duties, excise taxes, inspection fees and other similar duties, taxes
or charges fuel, lubricating oils, spare parts, regular equipment, stores on
board Japanese aircrafts while on Philippine soil.
In the foregoing treaties, the Philippines has
effectively agreed to limit the exercise of its sovereign powers of taxation,
eminent domain and police power. The underlying consideration in this partial
surrender of sovereignty is the reciprocal commitment of the other contracting
states in granting the same privilege and immunities to the Philippines, its
officials and its citizens.
The same reciprocity characterizes the Philippine
commitments under WTO-GATT.
Additional Note: International Treaties & Trade
Treaties. International
treaties, whether relating to nuclear disarmament, human rights, the
environment, the law of the sea, or trade, constrain domestic political sovereignty
through the assumption of external obligations. But unless anarchy in international
relations is preferred as an alternative, in most cases we accept that the
benefits of the reciprocal obligations involved outweigh the costs associated
with any loss of political sovereignty. Trade treaties that structure relations
by reference to durable, well-defined substantive norms and objective dispute
resolution procedures reduce the risks of larger countries exploiting raw
economic power to bully smaller countries, by subjecting power relations to
some form of legal ordering. In addition, smaller countries typically stand to
gain disproportionately from trade liberalization. This is due to the simple
fact that liberalization will provide access to a larger set of potential new
trading relationship than in case of the larger country gaining enhanced
success to the smaller country's market.